The revolutionary imperative

As the world staggers on towards destruction, the need to overthrow global capitalism becomes more than just a necessity. It is an imperative. If we do not move on to the next stage in the development of human society our children will inherit a devastated planet - if, indeed, there is anything to inherit, or anyone to inherit it except the seemingly indestructible cockroach. This site is dedicated to this.

Tuesday 24 November 2009

Delhi Declaration - 11th International Meeting of the Communist and Workers' Parties

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Pervez Fateh <pervezf@yahoo.com>
Date: 2009/11/24
Subject: Delhi Declaration - 11th International Meeting of the Communist and Workers' Parties
To: SAPF UK <info@sapfonline.org>


Delhi Declaration

This 11th International Meeting of the Communist and Workers' Parties, held in New Delhi, 20-22 November 2009 to discuss on "The international capitalist crisis, the workers' and peoples' struggle, the alternatives and the role of the communist and working class movement".

 

  • reiterates that the current global recession is a systemic crisis of capitalism demonstrating its historic limits and the need for its revolutionary overthrow. It demonstrates the sharpening of the main contradiction of capitalism between its social nature of production and individual capitalist appropriation. The political representatives of Capital try to conceal this unresolvable contradiction between capital and labour that lies at the heart of the crisis. This crisis intensifies rivalries between imperialist powers who along with the international institutions-the IMF World Bank WTO and others- are implementing their 'solutions' which essentially aim to intensify capitalist exploitation. Military and political 'solutions' are aggressively pursued globally by imperialism. The NATO is promoting a new aggressive strategy. The political systems are becoming more reactionary curtailing democratic and civil liberties, trade union rights etc. This crisis is further deepening the structural corruption under capitalism which is being institutionalised.

 

  • reaffirms that the current crisis, probably the most acute and all encompassing since the Great Depression of 1929, has left no field untouched. Hundreds of thousands of factories are closed. Agrarian and rural economies are under distress intensifying misery and poverty of millions of cultivators and farm workers globally. Millions of people are left jobless and homeless. Unemployment is growing to unprecedented levels and is officially expected to breach the 50 million mark. Inequalities are increasing across the globe â€" the rich are getting richer and the poor, poorer. More than one billion people, that is one-sixth of humanity go hungry. Youth, women and immigrants are the first victims.

 

True to their class nature, the response of the respective capitalist governments to overcome this crisis fails to address these basic concerns. All the neo-liberal votaries and social democratic managers of capitalism, who had so far decried the State are now utilising the state for rescuing them, thus underlining a basic fact that the capitalist state has always defended and enlarged avenues for super profits. While the costs of the rescue packages and bailouts are at public expense, the benefits accrue to few. The bailout packages announced, are addressed first to rescue and then enlarge profit making avenues. Banks and financial corporates are now back in business and making profits. Growing unemployment and the depression of real wages is the burden for the working people as against the gift of huge bailout packages for the corporations.

 

  • realises that this crisis is no aberration based on the greed of a few or lack of effective regulatory mechanisms. Profit maximisation, the raison d' etre of capitalism, has sharply widened economic inequalities both between countries and within countries in these decades of 'globalisation'. The natural consequence was a decline in the purchasing power of the vast majority of world population. The present crisis is thus a systemic crisis. This once again vindicates the Marxist analysis that the capitalist system is inherently crisis ridden. Capital, in its quest for profits, traverses boundaries and tramples upon anything and everything. In the process it intensifies exploitation of the working class and other strata of working people, imposing greater hardships. Capitalism in fact requires to maintain a reserve army of labour. The liberation from such capitalist barbarity can come only with the establishment of the real alternative, socialism. This requires the strengthening of anti-imperialist and anti-monopoly struggles. Our struggle for an alternative is thus a struggle against the capitalist system. Our struggle for an alternative is for a system where there is no exploitation of people by people and nation by nation. It is a struggle for another world, a just world, a socialist world.

 

  • conscious of the fact that the dominant imperialist powers would seek their way out of the crisis by putting greater burdens on the working people, by seeking to penetrate and dominate the markets of countries with medium and lower level of capitalist development, commonly called developing countries. This they are trying to achieve firstly, through the WTO Doha round of trade talks, which reflect the unequal economic agreements at the expense of the peoples of these countries particularly with reference to agricultural standards and Non Agricultural Market Access (NAMA).

 

Secondly, capitalism, which in the first place is responsible for the destruction of the environment, is trying to transfer the entire burden of safeguarding the planet from climate change, which in the first place they had caused, onto the shoulders of the working class and working people. Capitalism's proposal for restructuring in the name of climate change has little relation to the protection of the environment. Corporate inspired 'Green development' and 'green economy' are sought to be used to impose new state monopoly regulations which support profit maximisation and impose new hardships on the people. Profit maximisation under capitalism is thus not compatible with environmental protection and peoples' rights.

 

  • notes that the only way out of this capitalist crisis for the working class and the common people is to intensify struggles against the rule of capital. It is the experience of the working class that when it mobilises its strength and resists these attempts it can be successful in protecting its rights. Industry sit-ins, factory occupations and such militant working class actions have forced the ruling classes to consider the demands of the workers. Latin America, the current theatre of popular mobilisations and working class actions, has shown how rights can be protected and won through struggle. In these times of crisis, once again the working class is seething with discontent. Many countries have witnessed and are witnessing huge working class actions, demanding amelioration. These working class actions need to be further strengthened by mobilising the vast mass of suffering people, not just for immediate alleviation but for a long-term solution to their plight.

 

Imperialism, buoyed by the demise of the Soviet Union and the periods of boom preceding this crisis had carried out unprecedented attacks on the rights of the working class and the people. This has been accompanied by frenzied anti-communist propaganda not only in individual countries but at global and inter-state forums (EU, OSCE, Council of Europe). However much they may try, the achievements and contributions of socialism in defining the contours of modern civilisation remain inerasable. Faced with these relentless attacks, our struggles thus far had been mainly, defensive struggles, struggles to protect the rights that we had won earlier. Today's conjuncture warrants the launch of an offensive, not just to protect our rights but win new rights. Not for winning few rights but for dismantling the entire capitalist edifice â€" for an onslaught on the rule of capital, for a political alternative â€" socialism.

 

  • resolves that under these conditions, the communist and workers parties shall actively work to rally and mobilise the widest possible sections of the popular forces in the struggle for full time stable employment, exclusively public and free for all health, education and social welfare, against gender inequality and racism, and for the protection of the rights of all sections of the working people including the youth, women, migrant workers and those from ethnic and national minorities.

 

  • calls upon the communist and workers parties to undertake this task in their respective countries and launch broad struggles for the rights of the people and against the capitalist system. Though the capitalist system is inherently crisis ridden, it does not collapse automatically. The absence of a communist-led counterattack, engenders the danger of rise of reactionary forces. The ruling classes launch an all out attack to prevent the growth of the communists and the workers' parties to protect their status quo. Social democracy continues to spread illusions about the real character of capitalism, advancing slogans such as 'humanisation of capitalism', 'regulation', 'global governance' etc. These in fact support the strategy of capital by denying class struggle and buttressing the pursuit of anti-popular policies. No amount of reform can eliminate exploitation under capitalism. Capitalism has to be overthrown. This requires the intensification of ideological and political working class led popular struggles. All sorts of theories like 'there is no alternative' to imperialist globalisation are propagated. Countering them, our response is 'socialism is the alternative'.

We, the communist and workers' parties coming from all parts of the globe and representing the interests of the working class and all other toiling sections of society (the vast majority of global population) underlining the irreplaceable role of the communist parties call upon the people to join us in strengthening the struggles to declare that socialism is the only real alternative for the future of humankind and that the future is ours.


Tuesday 20 May 2008

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Saturday 5 January 2008

An Introduction to Marxist Research In China

By Professor Yang Ding Jinhai, Central Compilation & Translation Bureau, China

Note:
The following essay was published in the Bulletin of the Marx Memorial Library, London, and is published here since it carries valuable clues to the thinking behind current trends within the Communist Party of China (CPC). We are developing a response to it which will be published in due course, but comments from other readers would be welcomed.

A number of issues deserve consideration:

* How do we define a "Marxist classical writer"? It appears that the writer does not include Trotsky, Stalin or - unsurprisingly, but significantly - Mao, under this rubric. What of Plekhanov, or Kautsky?
* In considering the works of Marx, is the corpus of his work to be considered as a monolithic whole, or as the development of thought in progress? Are the earliest writings as valid as his last? Can we assume that he did not move on from the concepts he developed as a student?
* Is it valid to elevate the works of "Marxist classical writers" to the status of sacred texts, to which hermeneutics may be applied?
* And, most tellingly, what does this essay reveal about the philosophical thinking behind the current policies of the CPC?

There have been three stages in the history of research in China on the works and thinking of Marxist classical writers. In the first stage, before the founding of New China in 1949, a portion of the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin were translated and studied. In the second stage, from the founding of New China to the introduction of the reform and opening up policy in 1978, all the works were systematically translated and studied. In the third stage, from 1978 to the present, the works were retranslated and thoroughly studied. It would not be possible to discuss these stages in great detail here, but this paper will provide a general introduction to the translation of the classical works of Marxism and to research on their basic viewpoints in the 21st century.

I. Overview of Marxist Translation and Research Work in China in the New Century

China entered a new period of reform, opening up and socialist modernization with the beginning of the new century, marked by a great deal of activity in the country's ideological and theoretical circles. Recent achievements in translation and research work on the works of classical Marxist writers are discussed below.

l. Further progress has been made in the compilation and translation of the classical works of Marxism. The first edition of the Chinese version of all 50 volumes of the Collected Works of Marx and Engels was published in 1985, and the first volume of the second edition, compiled and translated by the Central Compilation and Translation Bureau and published by the People's Publishing House, came out in 1995, followed by another 20 volumes. Plans call for all 60 to 70 volumes to he published by 2020.

After completing the second edition of the Chinese version of the Collected Works of Lenin, the Central Compilation and Translation Bureau compiled and translated a small number of newly discovered works of Lenin in the Supplement to the Collected Works of Lenin. Some volumes of this work began coming out in 2001. The Bureau is still continuing to compile and translate documents of Marxism-Leninism, which are being published by the People's Publishing House. These documents consist of the major works of the classical writers of Marxism-Leninism and are coming out in separate editions.

In April 2004, China launched the Marxist Theoretical Research and Development Project. For this project, the Central Compilation & Translation Bureau will be examining and revising the translations of the main works of classical Marxist writers. The Bureau plans to translate the ten-volume Selected Works of Marx and Engels, containing important works from the second edition of the Chinese version of Collected Works of Marx and Engels. In addition, the Bureau plans to edit the five-volume Selected Special Works of Lenin. These volumes will all be published by the People's Publishing House in 2007. Work on these volumes is now underway.

2. Research was carried out on editions of classical works. First, the MEGA (Marx/Engels Gesamtausgabe) was studied and introduced. For example, Bike Kopf, German expert of the Central Compilation & Translation Bureau, and Wei Xiaoping of the Institute of Philosophy of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences coauthored the article "Reading and Exploring the Original Edition of Marx and Engels." Other scholars of the Bureau also published articles and reports in this regard.

In addition, research was done on the Chinese and foreign editions of other works of classical writers. For example, Yang Jinhai and Hu Yongqing carefully re-examined the Chinese editions of the Manifesto of the Communist Party.

3. Textual criticism and research were carried out on the various versions of the classical works. The journal Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin Research of the Central Compilation & Translation Bureau translated, studied and introduced the newly discovered literature of classical writers and related material. In addition, some scholars made comparative studies of the Chinese version of the original of Marx and Engels and published their research results.

4. Translations of the important concepts contained in classical works have been discussed and revised. For example, some scholars questioned "xiaomie" (destroy), the Chinese translation of "autheben" in the statement that communism should "autheben" private ownership. They believed that the term should be translated as "yangqi" (discard). Another example is that the term "okonomische Gesellschafisformation" in the works of Marx was translated as "shehui jingji xingtai" (social economic formation) in the first edition of the Collected Works of Marx and Engels, but the translation was changed to "jingji de shehui xingtai" (economic social formation) in the second edition.

5. The research methods used on the texts of classical works were re-examined. Generally speaking, five methods have been used to interpret Marx's texts. One is to use Engels's thinking of the late 19th century to interpret the classical texts of Marxism. The second is to use the Soviet theory from the first half of the 20th century to interpret the texts of Marx and Engels. The third is to use the Western Marxist theory that emerged after the middle of the 20th century to interpret these texts. The fourth is to interpret them by using the theories of socialist countries of the late 20th century particularly since the demise of the Soviet Union and disintegration of some Eastern European socialist countries. The fifth method, which is fairly well accepted among most scholars, is to interpret Marx and Engels on the basis of the text themselves.

How can the texts of Marx and Engels be correctly interpreted? In general Chinese scholars agree to the following:

First, the texts should be carefully studied not only in Chinese but also in the original language.

Second, the surface meaning as well as the unique linguistic environment of the important concepts in the classical work should be fully understood.

Third, the "linguistic environment" must be carefully studied, including both "the micro-environment," i.e., the context, and "macro-environment" i.e., the entire historical background of the time, including social conditions, cultural environment, relevant texts of other writers, the life path of classical writers and their sources, and the starting point, system, logic and essence of their theory.

Fourth, it is necessary to study the texts in the context of our times and current practices. Because classical writers had many ideas, it is impossible and unnecessary for us to acquire a clear understanding of all of them, but we should first of all understand the theoretical issues that have great practical significance for our practice today. Only in this way can we study Marxism flexibly instead of dogmatically.

Fifth, it is necessary to expand results from research on the texts. By learning from the case study methods of Western "Marxology" we should establish a scientific "Marxology" or even a "Marxismology" in China that requires carrying out general and comprehensive research on Marxism instead of concentrating only Marxist philosophy, political economy and scientific socialism rather than comprehensive research on Marxism.

Sixth, it is essential to study the relationship between research on the texts and research in other areas including, for example, Marxism, the history of the development of Marxism, the history of Marxist philosophy, and the studies done by other researchers on Marxist texts. It is also imperative to correctly handle the relationship between the subjects and objects in the research on texts, between the research on texts and theoretical research, and between the research on texts and reality.

II. Research on the Basic Viewpoints of the Classical Works of Marxism

Chinese scholars have been studying a number of the fundamental viewpoints of classical Marxist literature in recent years, tying their studies to the actual situation in China's reform and development. The results of this effort were numerous.

In April 2004 China launched the Marxist Theoretical Research and Development Project and specified that research on the basic viewpoints of the classical works of Marxism would be the most important work of the project. The Central Compilation & Translation Bureau is directing this task, with over 200 experts and scholars from the Party School of the CPC Central Committee, the Ministry of Education, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and other organizations participating in the work. The project is divided into 18 topics basically covering all the fundamental viewpoint of the classical works of Marxism including, for example, viewpoints on dialectical materialism, historical materialism, ownership, labor value theory, surplus value theory, distribution theory, socialist and communist society, historical process of capitalism, class and class struggle, proletarian dictatorship, building of Marxist political parties, political civilization, ideology, advanced culture, path of social development in economically backward countries, balanced economic and social development, all-round personal development of people, prevailing themes of the times, globalization, agriculture and farmers, religions, ethnic groups, war and peace and improvement in the people's armed forces.

The Chinese government attach great importance to research on these issues. It has stipulated that research on each topic of the project is to be considered a major project financed by the State Social Sciences Fund.

The project topic teams are now carefully sorting through and carefully studying these issues to trace their origins. For example, they are carefully studying the fundamental viewpoints of classical writers that may have been neglected in the past but which are of' great theoretical and practical significance today. They are analyzing and evaluating the views and disputes among Chinese and foreign theoreticians in recent years. With reference to the current practice in the world and the building of socialism with Chinese characteristics, they are carefully looking for answers to the following four questions:

" What are the basic tenets of Marxism that we must adhere to for a long time to come?
" What are the Marxist theories that we should enrich and develop based on our new reality?
" What are the dogmatic interpretations of Marxism that we must discard?
" What are the erroneous viewpoints imposed on Marxism that we must clarify?

The teams are taking a scientific attitude in studying Marxism and using developing Marxism to guide China's most recently adopted practices. All the research teams have published academic results. The teams are now editing and compiling two sets of books entitled Marxist Studies and Translations of famous Works on Marxism. In addition, they will be compiling and publishing a series of books entitled Research on the Basic Marxist Theories and a number of books and articles on the basic tenets of Marxism and the history of the development of Marxism.

The main results achieved in recent years in the research on the basic viewpoints of the classical works of Marxism are summed up below.

I. Research was carried out adhering to the spirit of the classical writers themselves in keeping up with the times. After the important thought of Marx, Engels and Lenin was formulated, scholars did in-depth research on the thinking of classical writers on the spirit of keeping up with the times and produced many results. Their representative works are Marxism Is a Theory that Develops, History of the Notion of Emancipating Our Minds: History of the Development of Marxism. These works have played a positive role in promoting the study of the history of the development of Marxism and promote the spirit of keeping up with the times as it is popular today.
II. Comprehensive research was done in Marxism. In the past, Marxism was usually divided into three parts - philosophy, political economy and scientific socialism, making it easier to develop specific disciplines and easier to study and teach. More and more scholars, however, are now concluding that this approach does not take into account the need to study and understand the connections among the three aspects, resulting in a lack of comprehensive understanding of Marxism.
Today therefore, most scholars emphasize the need to carry out comprehensive research of Marxism, that is, research on the thinking of classical writers as a system. Only by so doing can we find that Marxism is a scientific system that integrates science with value. In terms of value, Marxism sets its highest value objective for liberating the entire mankind and achieving the all-round personal development of people. In term of science, Marxism sheds light on the laws governing the development of human society.
III. The sources of Marxism were re-examined. More and more scholars hold that the sources of Marxism, particularly the sources of Marx's thinking, are not merely the classical philosophy of Germany, the classical political economy of England, and the utopian socialism of France as was believed in the past. The sources also include modern Western humanism and the philosophic thinking of ancient Greece.
IV. Historical materialism was re-examined. A number of views of historical materialism were thoroughly examined. For example, some scholars believe that the laws of social development should cover more areas and that globalization also represents a law of economic and social development. They also believe that a new interpretation should be formulated concerning the nature of socialism.
V. Thorough research was carried out on some important theoretical issues in political economy. Some important theoretical issues in political economy were carefully studied. In particular, lively discussions have been held concerning the labor theory of value, the theory of surplus value, form of ownership, and the concept of to each according to his work since the Sixteenth National Congress of the CPC in 2002.
VI. Close attention was paid to research on the classical writers' new understanding of capitalism.
First: research was done on the form of transition from the capitalist production mode to a socialist mode. Many scholars hold that in his Capital, Marx came to realize that just like workers' cooperative factories, the shareholding system under capitalism represents a growth area or a transition form of the new social production modes under capitalism, but we viewed the shareholding system as capitalist in the past, and this is the ideological reason why we have long refrained from introducing a shareholding system.
Second: research was done on the new understanding Engels had about capitalism in his later years. Most scholars believe that in his later years, Engels was sure that capitalism still had development potential and criticized the erroneous judgments he had made.
Third: research was done on the thinking of Lenin in his later years about using capitalism to develop socialism. In particular, the works and thinking about the New Economic Policy of Lenin after 1921 was thoroughly studied. All this research is of great significance for our efforts to correctly understand capitalism and handle the relationship between socialism and capitalism.
VII. Research was done on the classical writers' new understanding of socialism! Scholars hold that in their later years, Marx and Engels placed greater emphasis or the need to criticize utopian socialism and were opposed to a man-made design for future socialism. They realized that it would be long process for the socialist revolution to triumph, that all efforts must proceed from reality, and that recent changes in capitalism should be carefully studied to determine the policies and tactics of the proletarian revolution and they came to understand that in countries where conditions permitted, the working class should strive to use universal suffrage to secure political power. All this research is of great importance for us to correctly understand socialism and the world socialist movement.
VIII. Close attention was paid to research on the thinking of the classical writers about the social development road in backward countries in the East. Research was done on the commentaries Marx wrote for the New York Daily Tribune and his "Letter to Vera Zasulich" (1881), Engels's "On Russia's Social Problems" (1894) and notes Marx and Engels left about their Oriental social research. The researchers acquired a better understanding of Marxist law of social development and Marxist road of development. In particular, they realized that to build socialism, Oriental countries must acquire modern productive forces and exchange systems created by advanced Western capitalist countries as soon as possible and diligently work to eliminate the ideological roots of feudalism.
IX. Close attention was paid to research on the thinking of Marx and Engels about globalization. In works such as The German Ideology, The Manifesto of the Communist Party and Capital, Marx and Engels frequently discuss globalization. Although they do nor use the term "globalization," they use concepts such as "the history of the world." They had a lot of ideas in this regard.
X. Close attention was paid to research on the classical writers' thinking about personal development of people. In his works such as Economics and Philosophy Manuscript in 1844, The German Ideology, The Manifesto of the Communist Party and The Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science, Marx expresses many views about people's free and all-round personal development. However, not enough research had been done in this regard. In recent years, and especially after the Communist Party of China formulated the concept of "people-centered" Scientific Outlook on Development in 2003, scholars have begun to hold many discussions on these views, thus acquiring a deeper understanding of the law governing people's personal development and the relationship between personal development and social development.
XI. Close attention was paid to research on the classical writers' thinking about political civilization and the development of ruling parties. In particular, in-depth research was carried our on Lenin's views about how to improve socialist democracy, step up political restructuring, oppose bureaucratism and develop socialist culture. This deepened the researchers' understanding of the laws governing socialist development and the law governing improvement of ruling parties.
XII. Close attention was paid to research on the classical writers' thinking about balanced social development. In particular, research was conducted on their views about balancing development of man, society and nature contained in Engels's Dialectics of Nature. This research is of great importance for our efforts to build a harmonious socialist society. During recent years, research on the works of the classical writers of Marxism and their thinking has developed considerably, and the development can be summarized as a more thorough treatment in three areas.
First, the translations of the major works of the classical writers were thoroughly examined and revised.
Second, different versions of the classical works were thoroughly assessed and studied in-depth.
Third, the basic viewpoints in the classical works were studied in-depth taking into consideration actual conditions. Particular attention was paid to studying theoretical viewpoints that were neglected in the past but are especially enlightening today. As a result, the research of today is far better than the research of the past it terms of methodology, areas, results and social impact.

III - Future Trends in Research on the Classical Works of Marxism

From the perspective of development, there are three trends in the development of the research on the classical works of Marxism.
I. Major progress is being made in the compilation and translation of the classical works. By 2007, the Central Compilation & Translation Bureau will complete its publication of the ten-volume the Selected Works of Marx and Engels and the five-volume the Selected Special Works of Lenin. By 2010, about 30, or more than half, of the volumes of' the second edition of the Chinese version of the Collected Works of Marx and Engels will be published. The Chinese translations of some newly discovered classical works are also going to be published, and revisions of some of the major translations will also be completed. All this will greatly promote research on the basic theory of Marxism.
II. Research on different versions of the classical works is shifting from the current stage of successful preparatory work to a stage of substantial results. Research on different versions is still in the stage of' discussing their importance and methodology in a general and abstract way. Extensive and thorough research will follow. As articles of the MEGA edition are being translated and introduced and other versions and relevant documents are being acquired from other countries and studied in China, and China's new generation of scholars acquire a better understanding of foreign languages and increase their international academic exchange activities, there will be extensive research carried out on the different versions of the classical works (including comparative research on the versions in Chinese, in the original and in other languages). This will open up a whole new field of theoretical research on Marxism, create a new atmosphere in research on the basic theory of the history of the development of Marxism, and the history of Marxist philosophy, and more achievements will be made in research methodology, research scope and development of theoretical systems.
III. Research on the basic viewpoints of the classical works is entering a new stage.
First, a new consensus is forming on what the basic viewpoints are and research on them is greatly increasing. In the past, it was generally believed that the bask viewpoints described in textbooks were the true basic viewpoints. Today however more and more scholars realize that the scope of the basic viewpoints was not always consistent so that all the important views of the classical writers on major issues can be viewed as their basic viewpoints. Research is therefore needed on both the basic viewpoints that have been identified and the basic viewpoints that have been overlooked. In particular, in-depth research is needed on the basic viewpoints that have been overlooked but are of special significance for today's practical issues. For example, we need to carry out thorough research on the ideas of Marx and Engels about people's all-round personal development, globalization, balanced social development, improvement of democracy, transformation of the industrial structure further changes in capitalism, and the relationship between socialism and capitalism as well as Lenin's ideas about socialist economic, political and cultural development and improvement of the ruling parties.
Second, more thorough research on the basic viewpoints about the three kinds of laws (laws governing the development of human society, socialist development and improvement in Marxist ruling parties) will be carried out. Under the influence of' revolutionary traditions, people in the past consciously and unconsciously believed that Marxism was a revolutionary theory of the proletariat and therefore viewed Marxism from a revolutionary perspective. A great deal of research was carried out on issues related to revolution to the neglect of research on other issues. Today, more and more people realize the necessity to shift the perspective to socialist development and do more research on the theories of the classical works concerning social development especially concerning the theory of developing a socialist society. Only by so doing can we demonstrate the vitality of Marxism and guide our actual practice with theoretical research.
Third, the comprehensive approach to research on Marxism is becoming more and more common. There are many related issues, including, for example, what Marxism is, how to define it in a broad sense and a narrow sense, what the basic viewpoints of Marxism are, what the Marxist theories of revolution and development are, what their relationship is, whether Marxism's views on the three kinds of laws can form a theoretical system, and if it can, what is its relationship to the three original parts of Marxism? Research on these issues will put a whole new face or research on the basic theory of Marxism and put a fundamental stop to the long-term practice of divorcing theory from practice. As these problems are gradually solved better answers will emerge to four theoretical questions that are of widespread concern to the people, the vitality of Marxist theory will be greatly increased, and promotion of China's socialist modernization will become more effective.

Wednesday 12 December 2007

The dialectic of repression


    The people are not to blame that there has not been a revolution. Next time they must trust in local leaders . . . - fierce men and blunt, without too many ties binding them to the peace. They must choose, too, the favourable concurrence of a foreign war . . . "
    - Irish-Canadian nationalist Thomas D'Arcy McGee
    (quoted in Ireland: the politics of enmity 1789-2006, by Paul Bew,
    OUP, 978 0 19 820555 5)

At least one of the preconditions for revolution specified by this Irish bourgeois nationalist obtains in Britain today: the state is engaged in catastrophic and debilitating foreign wars, which are not only becoming increasingly economically incompatible with the necessity for the capitalist class to cream off more and more of the wealth of society. This means that the armed forces are being more and more over-stretched. They are being required to fight with inadequate and obsolescent equipment, with the result that they are failing to subdue ill-equipped indigenous popular insurgents. This situation is creating a battle-hardened working class that, were leftist elements not infected with reactionary pacifism, could serve a similar function in a revolutionary situation to that of the radicalised soldiery in Venezuela.

Our armed forces have practical experience of the inefficiency and incapacity of moribund capitalism to support them in their military duties, and some are even beginning to appreciate the need for revolutionary change at home, judging by the parodies of the Clash's English Civil War song being posted to the F**k the Army website by troops in Afghanistan.

The dialectic of this situation means that while the ruling class dreams of deploying troops against working people in possible future crisis situations, the very forces of repression themselves have the potential - and, in due course, could have the inclination - to turn their weapons upon the oppressors.

The radicalising of the armed forces is admittedly at a very low level as yet, not the least because the left has not perceived the revolutionary potential they constitute. But while the spontaneous nature of the troops' critique of a system which sends them to fight unwinnable wars means they are not exposed to a more profound analysis of the situation, the very fact that this critique is emerging in the absence of such a revolutionary analysis places a great responsibility upon those who should be responding appropriately to the imperatives
of the time.

At a time when New Labour is putting into place more and more repressive machinery, the intrinsic weakness of the forces required to administer this repression is highly significant.

Even more apposite than the situation in the armed forces is the disaffection in the police and prison officers, who are being required to accept wage rates inadequate for a reasonable standard of living. For the first time since police strikes were banned after the 1926 General Strike, industrial action is being seriously considered by these bastions of the ruling class status quo.

The capitalist requirement for ever-increasing profits means that the state cannot afford the costs of maintaining the repressive machinery necessary to protect those profits.

Again, the need for analysis of the endemic impossibility of resolving this contradiction should be on the left's agenda, and history will not forgive us our continued failure to produce this.


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Friday 16 November 2007

Mass group incidents on the increase in China

The growth of capitalism in China (or “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” as Hu Jintao described it 52 times in his report to the 17th CPC party congress) has been accompanied by growing social unrest, what is officially described as “mass group incidents” (ie riots). Frequently, these are responses to specific social problems, for instance land dispossession suffered by peasants, changes in business licensing regulations, perceived miscarriages of justice, or fraudulent advertising claims, unpaid wages or environmental issues, sparking off spontaneous outbursts of anger and violence.

An article in the London Review of Books, says that “the condition of China – its rapidly growing inequality, and the gap between the ukase-issuing centre and the decentralised, gangster-ridden periphery – is starting to look the way it did before the Communists came to power” provoking “under-reported mini-rebellions in which pissed-off villagers turn on the Party-approved local thugs who are running rackets and appropriations”.

But there is also a growing number of what are officially described as "clashes without direct conflict of interests”, in which the rioters are mostly unconnected with the incident which has provoked social unrest.

According to Baixing Magazine, “The numerous participants in these conflicts have no direct connection to the incidents themselves. They are there because of a public sentiment that is ready to challenge and doubt all existing policies.” This, says the magazine, demonstrates “a scepticism of everything”, proving that “the government has lost the support of public opinion”.

“Many of the persons who participate in these mass incidents do not have any direct demands of their own. They had been treated unjustly and unfairly in the past and therefore accumulated a lot of discontent.”

Such incidents have taken place in Guangdong, Shanghai, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and other developed areas. “For example, in Jintan city (Jiangsu province), there was a clash as a result of a dispute over financial investments. According to the investigation afterwards, 80 per cent of the participants in the mass incident had no financial stake in the affair. Most of them were just using the incident as a pretext . Similar incidents have occurred elsewhere. For example, in Chongqing and Anhui, minor street disputes triggered large-scale disturbances, and the participating masses had no direct demands.”

Participation in these events is not limited to those at the bottom of the social scale. Participants include enterprise owners, cadres at the divisional and departmental levels, company engineers, school principals, and so on. “As a result of being treated unfairly and unjustly and accumulating feelings of discontent over the long term, these people feel that they are open or hidden victims and they are releasing their emotions.”

In parallel with open street conflict, civil court cases are increasing in number, while fewer and fewer are being settled out of court. “The settlement rate for labour disputes is extremely low, as both sides are often intransigent. This means that tolerance in interpersonal relationships between labour and capital” [sic!] “is decreasing and the principals are more emotionally opposed to each other. In certain places, there are nationally prominent issues such as land acquisition, relocation and privatisation of state enterprises . . .

“The emergence of a large number of ‘clashes without direct conflict of interests’ is a warning signal. To a certain degree, it shows the likelihood that the government-citizen relationship has gone from mere quantities to a qualitative stage – the relationship between them is no longer the ‘fish in the water’ that we can only see in the ‘classical Red’ movies and books. In order to reverse this trend,” concludes the magazine, “the most important thing is to adjust the current distribution of interests while advocating anti-corruption, clean government and transparency of information.”

The rape of Yang Daili

A typical example of a “mass group incident” occurred in Zhuyang town, Dazhu county, Sichuan province on the afternoon of January 17, 2007, in response to the mysterious death of Yang Daili, a 16-year-old female student who was working in the Slow Rock Bar at the four-star Nest Business Hotel during her vacation. Two other girls and a security guard had died previously at the hotel, which was built as a joint venture by a local police chief and other local government officials with several tens of millions in investment.

It was said that the girl had been drugged and gang-raped by three officials of the local coal mine. The dead girl’s father, Yang Wanguo, said she had decided to leave the hotel as soon as she received her month’s wages, because “there were too many abnormal things going on in that hotel, including a lot of drug abuse”.

The hotel negotiated with the girl’s family and offered 500,000 RMB (UK£32,513 or US$ 67,306) to settle the matter, but this was refused. County party secretary Wang Wei addressed a meeting of more than 100 county officials and said that the death of Yang Daili was “no more important than a fart”.

Thousands (estimates vary between two and twenty thousand) gathered outside the hotel and it was set alight. People came from 35 kilometres away to join the crowds. Five thousand police were called out to control the incident.

After the people had calmed down, the Dazhou city party committee announced it had decided to suspend Dazhu county public security director Lai Jingsong for lack of effort and inappropriate handling and also Dazhu county party secretary Wang Wei for lack of effort and inadequate performance as local leader.

A barman at the hotel was arrested as a suspect in the crime and the chief of police was suspended pending investigations of his financial involvement in the hotel.

The promised compensation has not been paid to her family.

Monday 12 November 2007

Perspectives of Respect

It is symptomatic of the malaise afflicting the British left that at the very time global capitalism is staggering through the sub-prime mortgage crisis, with USA in hock to China, when the dialectic of getting the poor to finance its depredations is working itself out, and the ruling class through its New Labour puppets is attacking centuries-old civil liberties to give it the powers necessary to deal with the civil unrest inevitable in the coming crisis, so-called left groupings are engaged in savaging themselves to death.

Following on from the decimation of the Scottish left as a result of divisions within the Scottish Socialist Party, and the earlier eclipse of the Socialist Labour party, the dissension within Respect, between the highly disciplined neo-Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party and followers of the brilliant but erratic leftist demagogue, George Galloway, demonstrates both the weaknesses and strengths of the left in Britain.

At such a time one would expect some sort of analysis from the country's only quasi-"Marxist" organisation, the Communist Party of Britain, inheritors of the opportunist legacy of the Communist Party of Great Britain. All we have seen to date has been a couple of gloating articles in the Morning Star (headlined "The death of Respect" and "Final Nail in the Coffin") plus a commentary by a Green Party spokesperson.

Presumably no one from CPB was available for comment, preoccupied as they are with the doomed project to "reclaim the Labour Party", as if Labourism hasn't always been a Fifth Column within the labour movement. The much-lamented Clause 4, for instance, was originally inserted by the Fabians into Labour's constitution in an attempt to divert the working class away from its natural allegiance to the Communist Party. Hence the divisive "hand OR brain" formulation, when "hand AND brain" would have been more socially correct.

If the CPB and its TUC friends had been more astute, when Blair put reform of Clause 4 on to the agenda, they could have welcomed the opportunity to give the clause some class-conscious teeth, rather than fighting to preserve its flawed purism.

Despite the manifest weaknesses of the Respect project, the demise of any of the left forces is to be regretted at the time when the British ruling class, via its political New Labour surrogates, is removing all the rights and liberties that have been won over preceding centuries.

Of course, it could be argued that the survival of this or that grouping within the bourgeois parliamentary system has little bearing on the struggle to overthrow that system and replace it by a popular dictatorship, and that, indeed, such groupings only serve to confuse the working class and hold back their revolutionary class consciousness. But since such confusion is endemic, not only in the population at large but also within all the various Communist and Trotskyist organisations, in the absence of an organisation dedicated to revolutionary change ,the possible demise of Respect as a political force must be seen as a serious setback for the nascent forces of resistance to the New Labour project.

(For the benefit of readers outside UK, it should be explained that Respect was formed by the rebel Scottish Labour MP George Galloway, who successfully trounced the Blairite sitting MP in Bermondsey, Oona King. A number of Respect candidates in the local elections secured seats on the local council. Four of these have resigned the Respect whip. Respect has been in many ways a front for the Socialist Workers Party, which despite its obeisance to the writings of Trotsky and excoriation of all things "Stalinist", is not affiliated to the Fourth International. The SWP also plays a powerful role in the Stop the War Coalition, though the StW chair is Andrew Murray of the Communist Party of Britain.)

What are the issues that need to be addressed in analysis of this situation?

The creation of groupings around this or that charismatic leader (Scargill in the SLP, Sheridan in the SSP, Galloway in Respect) are doomed to failure. Such attempts are minor local manifestations of the hagiography of the left in the years since 1917. Obviously, as Plekhanov pointed out, historical individuals do play a part. But if Stalin had not triumphed over Trotsky in the inner-party struggle, the latter's role would no doubt be assessed today in similar terms to Stalin's. It was Trotsky, after all, who directed the attack upon the Kronstadt sailors.

Despite calls in the Morning Star for the re-establishment of Trotsky in the socialist pantheon, the rehabilitation of this or that historical individual is less important than a reassessment of their ideas. Whether the ex-Menshevik Trotsky was in fact the chief architect of Red October (as even Stalin himself once famously testified), it is uncontrovertably true that Trotskyism has played a divisively negative role in struggle throughout the world.

Therefore, while the need for analysis of the manner of Trotsky's expulsion from the CPSU and the USSR and his subsequent murder, by the KGB acting in collusion with the FBI, is not the most urgent item on our agenda, given that the SWP plays such a significant role in the British anti-war movement requires that, alongside the necessity of preserving the unity of the broad forces in the Stop the War Coalition, the negative impact of the SWP cannot be ignored.

Today, for instance, the failure of StW to mobilise mass direct action against the continued wars in Iraq and Afghanistan is reminiscent of the way the SWP-led mass protests against the Poll Tax were not translated into the removal of the Thatcherite Tories from office. There also needs to be acknowledgement of the complicity of the CPB in the obsessive legalism of StW strategy.

It is significant that, when the year-long mass blockade of the Faslane nuclear base in Scotland was firing the imagination of new recruits to struggle (and particularly among the youth) neither the CPB nor the SWP made involvement in this non-violent direct action matters of party discipline. This is hardly surprising. The CPB has abandoned the very concept of party discipline and while the SWP is good at quasi-revolutionary rhetoric, it appears suspicious of involvement in any broad movement that it cannot guarantee to control.

Lenin's analysis of the need for revolutionaries ALSO (but never ONLY) to involve themselves in bourgeois parliamentary politics needs to be reassessed in the light of the concrete contemporary situation.

Clearly, as Lenin pointed out to Gallagher, it would be quixotic of revolutionaries to walk away from the potential of political rights for which so many of our class have fought and died throughout the struggles of the past.

Later, and more controversially, Dimitrov urged those in the fascist countries where workers' organisations were no longer legal, to enter the fascist mass organisations since these were the only available medium through which work could be done legally.

But this did not remove the necessity for illegal work. On the contrary, legal entryism and illegal underground activity were two sides of the same struggle.

Of course, though New Labour is playing its classic role of acting as a stalking horse for the most reactionary elements in the ruling class, Britain is not yet a fascist state, though there are alarming parallels that should not be ignored.

Not least of these is the fact that following the stock market crash of 1929, the ruling class in Italy and Germany resorted to institutional terrorism to solve the economic contradictions of the day. Then, however, fascism was not the only possible outcome; in the New Deal, elements of the US ruling class were able to channel some of their riches into social projects to divert the masses from the attractions of revolution.

Today, it is the increasing instability of the global capitalist system following the anti-Soviet counter revolution (for the Soviet and socialist economies had acted as a stabilising factor in the world economy) which means that Roosevelt-style concessions to working class needs are no longer possible. The oppressors may seem to have observed the disastrous outcome (to them) of naked inner-state terrorism, which resulted, almost inevitably, in the raising of the red flag from Berlin to Beijing.

But, externally, state-sponsored terrorism in Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan indicates that the capitalist leopard has not really changed its spots.

Internally, for the moment at least, the grinning fatuity of a Blair or Bush may seem to be more effective than the histrionic ranting of a Hitler, that Storm Troopers and concentration camps may not be the best way of staving off the coming crisis, to the indigenous victims of imperialist aggression this distinction may seem more apparent than real.

The thousands of Palestinians who have vanished into Israeli jails without being brought to trial, the victims of Abu Ghraib torture, the hundreds imprisoned illegally in Guantanamo, the nameless many who have kidnapped under the "extraordinary rendition" policy and taken to be tortured to unknown destinations (sometimes to formerly socialist countries like Poland or Khazakhstan), the hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians who have died since Bush made his "mission accomplished" boast – all these examples, and more, are evidences of weakness, not strength. They demonstrate the growing desperation of the ruling class as the necessary end of its hegemony draws ever closer.

But though that end may indeed be NECESSARY, as compared with the only alternative, the extinction of the human race, it is by no means INEVITABLE. History is littered with the remains of once great civilisations, which have declined into moribundity when they failed to advance to the next required stage in their development. But the US imperialist project is the first such that carries within it not merely its own gravediggers but the gravediggers of us all. The fate of the entire planet hangs in the balance.

In the face of such a stark choice, the incestuous wranglings within the only possible alternative movement seems not merely ridiculous, but positively criminal. We may have not yet reached a situation where legal opposition to the gadarene rush to destruction is no longer possible. But we have to acknowledge that all such legalisms have so far ended in failure.

Detailed analysis of the reasons for this or that failure, from the SWP's failure to move the anti-Poll Tax movement on to obtain governmental change to the fact that New Labour was able to ignore two million marching (legally) in opposition to war, produces one irresistable conclusion, that the common factor throughout has been the lack of a truly revolutionary party.

Such a party would, of course, utilise all legal opportunities to oppose the stampede into destruction, outside parliament as well as within it. Never for a moment being in any misapprehension about the possibilities of, and limitations upon, such legal opposition, it would nevertheless exploit each and every contradiction within the ruling class and its parliamentary representatives. Where the strength of mass protest made it possible, as was undoubtedly the case on the eve of the invasion of Iraq, it would not shy away from the possibilities of direct action to change government policy.

The state would no doubt respond to such actions with a violence proportionate to how threatened it felt itself to be, but a revolutionary party would see such a response as confirmation of the correctness of the oppositional strategy, a working out of the beginnings of the revolutionary dialectic. As the state escalates the violence of its oppression, its innately violent nature becomes increasingly obvious to all but the most blinkered.

Of course, as is already being demonstrated by the draconian limitations upon freedoms of assembly and expression already on the parliamentary agenda, the leaders of opposition must expect the full force of oppression to fall upon them, individually and collectively.

Were the legal apparatus of the revolutionary mass movement to be beheaded, by imprisonment or worse, then it could only to continue to develop if there were already a parallel leadership (or leaderships) ready to take their places, being in fact a semi-legal (or potentially illegal) apparatus, drawing on the experience off anti-Nazi and anti-Japanese underground forces throughout Europe and Asia in World War II.

If informed by a revolutionary perspective, the limitations of legal struggle are not reasons for abandoning it in favour of some conspiratorial alternative. The revolutionary dialectic requires both legal and illegal methods of work to be developed, in parallel and in dynamic relation with each other. This will become more self-evident if legal opposition becomes so effective that it is made ILLEGAL. A movement that only uses legal methods will become disarmed if the ruling class changes the rules of engagement. But a movement that depends only on illegal methodology condemns itself to isolation, which is exactly what the ruling class requires.

How does the implosion of Respect impact on the imperatives of this situation?

Clearly there is as yet no leftist grouping or party linking revolutionary of theory and praxis as the situation demands. Nor may we, at this concrete stage in British history (the future may produce a different perspective), urge people to vote for or against ALL candidates of any of the bourgeois political parties. In many constituencies, where New Labour, Tory or LibDem candidates are equally unacceptable, it may be necessary to urge voters to spoil their ballots, writing in "none of the above" or suchlike slogans. But this should not be an individual decisions; in such constituencies a "spoiler" campaign will be required, to ensure mass support for such action.

But while elections provide the basis for making clear to the electorate that the only way to change anything is by changing the system, we should be aware that this is no mere propaganda. It is actually true.

Whether New Labour or the re-invented Old Tories win, the rich will continue to get richer and the poor more oppressed. It is even likely that if the victors are New Labour, then they will bring in worse oppression than the Tories would ever dare to attempt. If we have urged the population to give blanket support to New Labour, we should not be surprised if the people turn away from us in disgust.

Where can they turn to? To Respect, or any such ad hoc grouping, reactive rather than proactive in the situation of worsening state oppression? Recent examples do not hold out much that could transpire positively from such allegiances, though they might offer potential in the short term.

The SWP might be the most likely organisation to benefit from such disaffection with the established bourgeois parties. But it needs to be recognised that, despite its Trotskyist rhetoric, the SWP is itself part of the bourgeois political system.

The same is true of the CPB, whose role has become increasingly reformist since Andrew Murray led in his Straight Left faction (whose effective complicity in the destruction of the CPGB tells us everything we need to know about them) to take over positions in the leadership of the party.

As at present constituted, the CPB is at best an irrelevance in present circumstances, in most cases a positive hindrance to the development of struggle, as the role of Murray within the Stop the War coalition has demonstrated.

But that could change. When Fidel led the uprising in Cuba, the Cuban Communist Party (which was legal under Batista) denounced him as a petit-bourgeois adventurist. Today, the Cuban Communist Party is the ruling party and Castro its beloved leader.

We live in volatile times.
There is no "one size fits all" solution to our present political ills. But it is still true, as it has always been, that without a revolutionary party there cannot be a revolution. Whether any grouping on the left has sufficient maturity ever to be able to assume such a role remains to be seen.

But, as they are constituted at present, there does not appear to be any chance of their doing so.
11/11/07

Thursday 1 November 2007

From the New York Times

- QUOTATION OF THE DAY -

"They're tracking where your mouse is on the page, what you put in your shopping cart, what you don't buy."
- JEFF CHESTER, executive director of the Center for Digital Democracy, on information collected when people use the Internet.

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